By Mladen Ostojic

Exploring the influence of the overseas felony Tribunal (ICTY) on regime switch in Serbia, this e-book examines the connection among foreign legal justice and democratisation. It analyses intimately the repercussions of the ICTY on family political dynamics and offers an explanatory account of Serbia's transition to democracy.Lack of cooperation and compliance with the ICTY was once one of many greatest hindrances to Serbia's integration into Euro-Atlantic political constructions following the overthrow of Milo'evi?. via scrutinising the attitudes of the Serbian specialists in the direction of the ICTY and the prosecution of struggle crimes, Ostoji? explores the advanced methods set in movement through the overseas community's guidelines of conditionality and via the prosecution of the previous Serbian management within the Hague. Drawing on a wealthy selection of empirical facts, he demonstrates that the good fortune of overseas judicial intervention is premised upon democratic consolidation and that transitional justice regulations are just ever prone to take root once they don't undermine the steadiness and legitimacy of political associations at the floor.

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Additional resources for Between Justice and Stability: The Politics of War Crimes Prosecutions in Post-Miloševic Serbia

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For this purpose, I have carried out extensive field research which involved over 40 interviews conducted in 2009, 2010 and 2012. Most of the politicians I have interviewed were in positions of power during the first two democratic governments that were in place from 2001 to 2007. My informants included high-ranking officials such as the former Prime Minister Zoran Živković; former Minister of Foreign Affairs Goran Svilanović; former Ministers of Justice Momčilo Grubač and Zoran Stojković; former Deputy Prime Ministers Miroljub Labus and Žarko Korać; former advisor to President Koštunica and Minister for Kosovo Slobodan Samardžić; former President of the Parliament Dragoljub Mićunović; former representatives of the Serbian state before the ICTY and ICJ Vladimir Djerić and Tibor Varady; and former head of the Serbian State Security Service Goran Petrović.

37 At the same time, the widespread despair and political apathy of a population facing deteriorating living conditions provided little hope for renewed political mobilisation that could topple the regime. Nevertheless, the 33 The most important contract concerned the sale of Telekom Srbija to Italian and Greek companies, which was arranged by the former Tory Foreign Secretary and Director of the National Westminster Bank, Douglas Hurd (‘Milošević Will Target Britain’, BBC News, 3 July 2001). 34 Cohen, Serpent in the Bosom, 333–4.

Observers have commonly qualified this regime as ‘nationalist authoritarianism’ or ‘electoral/competitive authoritarianism’. 5 In this respect, Milošević’s rule event, this involvement varied periodically. While Serbia initially took part in the hostilities directly, at least until the retreat of the JNA from Croatia and Bosnia in 1992, its support for the belligerents subsequently declined, especially after Milošević introduced an embargo on the Bosnian Serbs for rejecting the Vance–Owen peace plan in 1994.

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