By Asifa M. Hussain, William L. Miller
This can be a pioneering examine of ways multiculturalism interacts with multinationalism. Focusing in particular on post-devolution Scotland, and in response to statistical research of over 1500 interviews, Hussain and Miller severely learn the demanding situations of Scotland's biggest obvious and invisible minorities: ethnic Pakistanis and English immigrants.
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It is a pioneering learn of ways multiculturalism interacts with multinationalism. Focusing in particular on post-devolution Scotland, and in accordance with statistical research of over 1500 interviews, Hussain and Miller significantly study the demanding situations of Scotland's biggest obvious and invisible minorities: ethnic Pakistanis and English immigrants.
Extra resources for Multicultural Nationalism: Islamaphobia, Anglophobia, and Devolution
That was the high point for explicitly Protestant parties, but Finn (1994: 105) recalls ‘the potency and acceptance of anti-Catholicism in the everyday thinking in Scotland of the early 1970s’. State-funded Catholic schools remain a very controversial issue. They provoked more discussion in our elite interviews than anything else (see Chapter 7). Many integration-minded multiculturalists take the cautious view that separate faith-based schools are undesirable but nonetheless should not be merged with other state schools against the wishes of the Catholic community.
In complete contrast to the more tightly-knit Muslim community, there is a high rate of mixed English/Scottish households. So, in addition to the 8 per cent who were themselves born in England, another 3 or 4 per cent, who were themselves born in Scotland, have a partner who was born in England. So throughout Scotland about 12 per cent are either English immigrants themselves or are living with an English immigrant— probably rising to a ﬁfth in Edinburgh and over a quarter throughout southern Scotland.
SNP voters, however, are not the most phobic. Conservative voters are the most phobic overall—not the most Anglophobic, but the most Islamophobic, Asylophobic, Europhobic, and sectarian. Chapter 5 investigates minorities’ perceptions of majority phobias. Their perceptions are broadly accurate. But they challenge one of the key analytic ﬁndings in Chapters 3 and 4: the importance of education. Minorities know that the relatively well-educated do not express Islamophobic or Anglophobic views. They would accept our statistical ﬁndings.